Saturday, August 11, 2012

Ryan, Rand and Romney


© Charles D. Hayes

Confusion is rampant these days over the subject of self-interest versus public interest. It’s increasingly fashionable to disdain everything public and revere everything private. The hate your government virus has become the bubonic plague of American politics. Thanks largely to Congressman Paul Ryan, Mitt Romney's chosen running mate, the ghost of Ayn Rand is spooking the electorate.

Rand’s Objectivist philosophy—that selfishness should be the sole driving force of economics—has been thoroughly rebuked by research in psychology and neuroscience as being universally incongruent with human behavior. It's as absurd to claim that selfishness is the only virtue as it would be to say that selflessness is. So I find it hard to fathom why Ryan, who is now the presumptive Republican candidate for vice president, would ever have described himself as an unapologetic devotee of Rand's ideology.

Applied whole cloth, Rand's economic prescription represents at best the glorification of narcissism; at worst, the ideology of cancer cells. Simply put, if we relied solely on Objectivism economically, America would wind up as a nation of losers among the other developed countries of the world.

Elsewhere I have written that when a rush of adolescent hormones encounters an ideology that makes biologically self-centered and narcissistic inclinations seem glorious, critical thinking stops and notions of superiority blossom. What’s especially disturbing about Rand followers is that once they buy in, most stop thinking for themselves. In effect, they surrender their judgment to Objectivism, and when confronted with a contradictory argument, they look for a Rand quote as a defense. Objectivists become impervious to all contrary evidence and adopt the stance that those who criticize Rand just don't understand her. In fact, many of us understand her very well, and that's the hitch.

John Galt, the fictional character in Atlas Shrugged, represented Rand's concept of the ideal man. He was infallible in principle, and his business savvy was impeccable. But individuals with John Galt's psychological profile and penchant for ideological perfection do not exist in the real world, and neither does a healthy society based solely on Rand's ideas. John Galt wannabes, however, abound—they talk the talk, but don't walk it. They gave us a financial meltdown in 2008. Rand didn't walk her talk, either. She declared the function of government is only to protect citizens from criminals and foreign invasion, but it didn't stop her from signing up for Medicare and Social Security. 

In The Social Conquest of Earth, Sociobiologist Edward O. Wilson argues that "[S]elfish individuals beat altruistic individuals, while groups of altruists beat groups of selfish individuals." He suggests that if either case were taken to extremes, the result would be the destruction of society as we know it.

Imagine that you’re charged with assembling a football team from a poor community and your future rests on winning games. You discover that your linemen and your running backs are malnourished. What do you do? By hook or crook, you find them nourishing food. Without it, your team is easily defeated. Now apply this analogy to America. We have millions of children who, through no fault of their own, are malnourished. They are likely to grow up without the cognitive and physical ability to make the team—the team of American citizens. Many of them will wind up in prison, costing taxpayers $50,000 plus per year.

Paul Ryan and his supporters seem to think that more political currency is to be gained in finding ways to punish these children's parents than in solving the problem. Certainly, dealing with freeloaders is a dilemma, and people who expect something for nothing should incur a penalty, if one is due because of their negligence. But providing adequate nutrition must be part of the solution, or the team suffers and America's foundation crumbles.

It's as easy to rig a system for equity as it is to create the current winner-take-all reality of the one percent versus the 99 percent. There are scores of ways in which we turn a blind eye toward the kind of investments that support our team as Americans.

Every developed nation on the planet that offers its citizens a high quality of life is able to do so only by making a substantial investment in the kinds of infrastructure and services that support their public interest. A thriving economy with a strong middle class and based exclusively on a virtue of selfishness has never existed on this planet, but this fact doesn't matter to narrow-minded ideologues. The majority of Americans don't want a handout; they want a fair shot at a decent quality of life and a system that represents and supports our true nature, not one rigged by narcissistic ideologues.

Ryan's recent budget proposal is a one-percent solution. Now, all of a sudden, he is now disavowing Rand's Objectivism as an atheist philosophy that reduces human relations to mere contracts. His budget recommendations have resulted in an ongoing protest by Catholic nuns who argue that his proposed cuts to the poor are immoral.

But here is the scary part. Mitt Romney is our first candidate for president who is on record in print and in video footage with multiple contradictory positions on every issue of importance in the upcoming election. If Paul Ryan thinks he or Mitt Romney is John Galt personified, he has his utopian fantasies mixed up, and this means he is too intellectually immature to be president himself.  

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Sunday, July 1, 2012

Do You Have Ideas, or Do Ideas Have You?

© Charles D. Hayes

Have you ever wondered how you were fortunate enough to have been born in the right country, the right state, the right city, into the right religion or the right secular worldview, and especially into the right political party so that your opinion is obviously superior to those with whom you frequently take issue? If you haven't, you are not alone.
The late Neil Postman wrote that "education is a defense against culture." His declaration is egregiously underappreciated, and his observation has much more to do with the existential nature of freedom and authenticity than most of the New Age remedies made popular in the past half-century. The prospect of being motivated by ideological forces that one is unaware of, though they may be crystal clear to others, undermines the very foundation of freedom and the potential for authenticity.
Postman's remark lies at the heart of today's great political divide—it's why our current political discourse defaults to emotional misrepresentation. Until we fully understand the underlying reality of Postman's admonition, we have little hope of escaping political manipulation.    
The headline in this piece poses one of life's most difficult questions, but one that needs to hold our attention. When ideas have us as individuals, it means we can be accurately described as ideologues. Dictionaries define an ideologue as someone who zealously promotes a body of doctrine. That's where culture comes in because it provides us with ready-to-assume worldviews. The penalty for disbelieving is to be considered "not one of us."
We have to learn to keep our culture in perspective so as not to become easy to manipulate. The only way to do that is to vastly broaden our intellectual and emotional horizons. One of the most disappointing attributes of our species is that, in spite of our enormous brains, we can grow up in enclaves of every imaginable size from family to nation states while naturally assuming that our particular group is beyond reproach. We believe that everything we do is automatically justifiable by the nature of who we are, while we learn to view other poor fools on the planet as barely more valuable than objects. If they’re deemed too different, we are likely to view them as evil.
It's helpful to envision ideology as being analogous to a computer program that's closed to new updates. This is where zealotry kicks in. Since the code can't be altered, emotionally charged rebooting becomes compensation strategy. True believers don't modify their views, regardless of the facts presented. Instead they respond by upping their ideological passion with hatred and contempt. When this happens at a national level, it's only a short distance to fascism, as fear of the other becomes a bonding instrument and a rallying point.
If we lie down on a blanket under a summer sky and relax with our eyes on the clouds, in a short time, the clouds will appear to begin forming images of all sorts of things from animals and objects to faces of particular individuals. But these objects are not in the clouds. These are images in our heads, put there by experience. What we don't see and can't see in the clouds comprises all of the vast things in the world that we don't know about. When we compare what we know with what we haven't yet learned, the difference is so vast and so overwhelming in size and scope that declarations about our belonging to the most important group of people on the planet seem like blasphemy.
By the time we reach adulthood we have internalized a mountain of assumptions about things we've never seriously looked into in depth. Our brains, however, looking out for our well-being as they do, take these experiences as precise representations of reality. This is the reason Postman wondered why learning to ask questions is not one of the main focuses of education. To him it was unthinkable that we are taught by people suffering from the same malady we have, people who’ve never critically questioned their own assumptions. One of life's greatest lessons is that upon close examination things often turn out to be not as they first appeared. What could be more disturbing than to discover that your life's goals and ambitions are the result of an ideology about which you remain unaware?   
Once again, ask yourself the headline questions. By now your answers may be obvious. If they aren't, or if there is any doubt in your mind, then you have the criteria for more questions. If you determine that your ideas have you, it can be an enthralling experience to loosen their grip.
KINDLE Books and EBooks on Amazon:
September University: Summoning Passion for an Unfinished Life

Existential Aspirations: Reflections of a Self-Taught Philosopher

The Rapture of Maturity: A Legacy of Lifelong Learning
Beyond the American Dream: Lifelong Learning and the Search for Meaning in
Proving You're Qualified: Strategies for Competent People Without College Degrees
Training Yourself: The 21st Century Credential
Self-University: The Price of Tuition is the Desire to Learn. Your Degree is a Better Life
Portals in a Northern Sky: A Novel
A Novella
Alaska Short Fiction Series for Kindle

KINDLE Essays on Amazon:
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Sunday, May 27, 2012

When Ideology Turns Toxic


© Charles D. Hayes
When I first discovered the academic theory of ideological amplification a few years ago, I was intrigued, and I am still. The subject is not only fascinating, but failure to understand it thoroughly is politically hazardous. Ideological amplification is something we recognize intuitively at an unconscious level, but it's not something most of us are aware of intellectually, unless it has been brought to our attention. We may hear of it, for instance, as a subject of study in academia or when it plays itself out in public theatre for all to see. Those of us who grew up watching TV westerns can recall the frequent gatherings of small-town citizens at their local sheriff's jail, where grumbled opinions and heated remarks escalated to the point of deciding to hang someone.   
Ideological amplification is simply the psychological behavior that occurs when people with similar views get together and subsequently push their views to a further extreme. It happens as an often unconscious way of unifying and solidifying the group. Together they move to excessive positions that none of them individually would likely have reached on their own. For example, liberals will tend to move ideologically further left and conservatives further right when they’re in a group. It’s one thing, however, when a harmonious group of like-minded individuals get together, but quite another when it involves a competition to prove one's ideological commitment is greater than that of the competitors.               
This year's GOP presidential primary offered a center-stage example of ideological amplification, and the result has brought the Republican Party close to alienating a significant number of its moderate supporters. Make no mistake, each of the individuals seeking the nomination for president this year has had his own group of rock-solid supporters. But to a skeptical electorate, the ever-increasing attempts to out-conservative one another have, for the last four men who participated in this year's GOP primary contest, succeeded in making Ron Paul look like a crackpot; Rick Santorum, a religious fanatic; Newt Gingrich, a borderline psychopath; and Mitt Romney an indecisive narcissist who appears willing to do or say anything to become president.
When you factor in Rush Limbaugh, with his trademark misogyny, the Republican Party has entered dangerous demographic territory with regard to gender politics, if current polls are accurate. What the candidates couldn't accomplish with ratcheting up their conservatism to a fever pitch mania, Limbaugh has achieved just by being his usual hate-filled self. After all, upping emotional angst through thinly veiled contempt and outright hatred is what has made him a multimillionaire. 
Between now and November, the most interesting thing to come out of politics is going to be watching the GOP dig their way out of the mess they've made and try to sound like reasonable human beings to those of us who do not share their ideology. That there is a great ideological chasm between our two major political parties today is blatantly obvious, but it is still possible to disagree about politics without viewing one's opposition as the incarnation evil. That is, unless either side amplifies their position past the point of contempt for their opposition.          
Regardless of where we register on the political horizon, moving too far in either direction will land us in the camp that we originally set out to oppose. Moving too far left or right can land one in fascist territory, as left becomes right and right becomes left in extremes. A viable democracy requires a left, right, and center with the input of each and the exclusion of none. The lesson to be learned from ideological amplification is to always be aware of its power and to guard against letting it push us to extremes.
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, our second and third presidents respectively, were political rivals, but they corresponded for a half-century in a dialog to further their ideas about what was best for America. In 1813, Adams wrote to Jefferson saying that they should not die before explaining themselves to one another. Both Adams and Jefferson died on the same day, July 4, 1826, fifty years to the day after American Independence. Too bad we can’t ask them about the danger of ratcheting up one's rhetoric to the point of diminishing returns. But their actions leave little doubt about the need for explaining ourselves without shouting or continuously upping the levels of hostility.
Ideological amplification in politics is analogous to conflict-ridden emotion on steroids: the only purpose served is to move each side further and further apart. People who understand this human frailty can overcome it, but it means caring more about solutions to problems than which side is offering them. Genuine democracy requires getting beyond ideology.   

Books and KINDLE EBooks on Amazon:
A Novella

Alaska Short Fiction Series for Kindle
KINDLE Essays on Amazon:
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Portals in a Northern Sky: A Novel
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Saturday, April 28, 2012

The Small Government Fallacy


© Charles D. Hayes

Politically, today’s cry for small government has more to do with reducing government power than its size. Granted, without accountability, any agency, public or private, can balloon beyond its reason for existence. But try to imagine this: big oil, big banks, big cyber companies, big finance, big pharmaceutical, big retail, big transportation, big aviation, big utilities, big insurance, big lobbyists, big tobacco, big prison industry, big media and a big military industrial complex overseen by a little government.

To the ideological right, this is heaven on Earth. To the working men and women in America, this is a quicker road to serfdom than anything that economist F. A. Hayek could have conjured up — a land of Goliaths and a population of Davids, where wages, pressured by global corporations, experience free-fall.

Put another way, this kind of dream portends a 21st century with corporate fiefdoms and an ever-growing number of consumer-serfs. It frees up the power of the already powerful. Worse still, government collusion with big business that transfers public wealth to private executives, in what Naomi Klein calls corporatism, erases all hope for a better future for average Americans. The feudalism of the Middle Ages can’t really be that much different from what could become of America if the growth of income inequality continues to escalate.

To her credit, novelist Ayn Rand warned against government complicity with big business. Too bad she didn’t know enough about human nature to realize that her virtuous fictional character John Galt is a creature that does not exist in the real world of business.

All John Galt pretenders are causalities to vice or corruption of one kind or another. That’s why we need a government that’s accountable to the people and has enough muscle to deal with giants without being intimidated or stomped into submission.

It is a well-accepted premise that pure communism and pure socialism are unworkable ideologies. But so is pure capitalism. The wants, needs, temperaments, talents, beliefs and traditions of human beings with diverse backgrounds require an economic system calibrated to sustain a high quality of life for all citizens, not just a few super-needy individuals following a myopic ideology.

Hayek maintained that government involvement in the economy would lead to serfdom. Indeed, corporatism does the trick. But so will capitalists accountable only to markets that they create and control. There are many roads to serfdom but none quicker than the thoroughfares run by international corporations shadowed by small, ineffectual governments.

A few years ago, Dutch economist Jan Pen asked us to imagine people’s height as being proportional to their income, making average income equal to average height. He asked us to picture everyone in America walking by us in one hour’s time in ascending order of their income.

In the first several minutes of the procession, the passersby would be invisible. It would take 45 minutes before people of today’s normal height would appear. Then, with six minutes to go, giants would begin to pass by. And near the end, these individuals would be more than two miles tall. Of course, that was some time ago. Today the last few would likely be much taller.

A close reading of American history shows beyond a doubt that our health as a nation is dependent in large part on a vibrant middle class. Extreme inequality severely weakens our economic foundation.

The incessant roar to reduce the size of government has so oversimplified the politics of the matter that few people even give the issue much thought. It’s simply accepted as fact by a growing number of people that all of the world’s ills are due to big government, end of story.

Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine and Henry David Thoreau are often mentioned in connection with the assertion that “the government that governs best is the government that governs least.” This declaration is no doubt true. But it also has less to do with the size of government than with efficiency and effectiveness.

All three of these men were strong advocates for effective government, and after making the statement above, Thoreau clarified that his aspirations were not necessarily for making government small but rather for bringing about better government. We would be well advised to heed his wisdom. Instead of continuously ranting about the need for small government, we must decide, once and for all, what we expect from government and then make sure we get it.

Capitalism is an extremely powerful system, so much so that it cannot be sustained without safeguards. To make America safe for “creative destruction” requires responsible citizens and the collective authority to see that we are not overrun by giants accountable to no one but themselves. Our anthem is “We the people,” not we the serfs.

KINDLE Books and EBooks on Amazon:
A Novella
Alaska Short Fiction Series for Kindle
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Tuesday, April 3, 2012

Duped By the Freedom Ploy

© Charles D. Hayes

For decades millions of people from all over the world have been leaving the land and moving to cities to find work. In China they flock to manufacturing jobs that produce products for Apple and for retail stores like Wal-Mart and Target, among many others. Most of these people work incredibly long hours for exceptionally low wages, while living in squalid conditions. After a few short years, the knowledge they had once applied to barely scraping out a living off the land is lost, and so is their access to land. Now, when people in this situation number in the tens of millions, what do you think happens during a deep recession, when people stop buying the products they make? The word destitute is grossly inadequate to describe their circumstances. The notion of freedom without real opportunities for gainful employment is a facade.
A similar situation applies to people out of work in America who wind up living on the street, and it applies to people who are seriously ill but without health insurance. Of course, they are free to purchase their own health insurance, but in many cases, not only can they not afford it, what they are offered, if left up to the "free market," has so many escape clauses that a serious illness will still mean bankruptcy. And yet, time after time, year after year, commercial after commercial, the argument against a single-payer healthcare system (which I am personally for) is said to be an argument about freedom. Stopping Obamacare is said to be about freedom. Getting rid of the mandate is all about freedom. Indeed, it is— it's freedom for profits at the expense of individual healthcare. The existence of freedom in a system rigged by the insurance industry is an illusion. Without an overt and ongoing concern to adjudicate a system that promotes fairness with insurance industry accountability, the existence of freedom is more apparent than real. 
We still champion rugged individualism in America, born of a time when most people lived on small farms. It was a time when it was still possible to avoid starvation by scratching something out of the dirt. But, like the Chinese workers making products that are not selling in Wal-Mart, Americans who live and work in the city in times of economic downturn and high unemployment can easily, through no fault of their own, become penniless.
So why, one wonders, is the loudest cry coming from politicians who want to reduce the size of government to a level where it will be unable to help people who are destitute? Why is small government their number one goal? What, pray tell, does this have to do with freedom, when economic circumstances render absurd the very idea of freedom in a workplace that's dependent on market whims, unless real options for earning a living are readily available?
Essayist Isaiah Berlin wrote about two fundamental types of liberty: negative and positive. He said the meaning of the word freedom is "so porous that there is little interpretation that it seems able to resist." Negative freedom he characterized as a power to choose between options though, in some cases, they may represent undesirable choices. Positive freedom, on the other hand, he said derives "from the wish on the part of the individual to be his own master."
Arguing about positive and negative liberty in a technical sense can get philosophically complicated. But here is a simple way to approach the issue of freedom. Think, for example, of freedom in an extrinsic versus intrinsic sense: choosing the least negative option among many bad or not so good choices, or having the power to do something for no other reason that you really want to and can afford to do so. Compare having to accept a bad job because you can't find a good one against having the wherewithal to do something inspiring. This is the dilemma most of us face as we seek employment from the beginning to the end of our working lives.
So here is some historical reality to help us cut through much of the hype about freedom. Simply put, it takes a great societal investment like post–World War II America to create the kind of economic conditions that make intrinsic choices possible for average Americans. Apply the Horatio Alger notion of pulling yourself up by your own bootstraps to the Chinese workers in the scenario above. Ask yourself how much opportunity those individuals have to make intrinsic choices or even viable extrinsic choices.
There are recent news reports of Chinese workers in factories who are so desperate to change their deplorable working conditions that some have threatened mass suicide. Indeed, Apple is requiring workers in China to sign a pact not to commit suicide, while putting nets around their tall building for those who become so distraught that they can't uphold their agreement. You think these people couldn't tell us a thing or two about the definition of freedom?     
Now in contrast, consider the period I grew up in during the 1940s and 1950s, a time when taxes in the upper brackets were very high and the government investment in infrastructure and education was enormous. It was a time when the GI Bill enabled millions of service men and women to go to college without incurring a mountain of debt. A time when construction of the interstate highway system and rural electrification put millions of people to work and enabled them to purchase homes and automobiles with the promise of sending their own children to college.
This was inarguably a time when millions of Americans experienced intrinsic and extrinsic freedom. They were able to choose from a myriad of extrinsic options and, in many cases, turn them into an intrinsic experience. Remember Abraham Maslow's theory of self-actualization? The theory depended in large part on a person's ability to act intrinsically. Once again, contrast this with the opportunity of the Chinese workers above, and then compare it to America today and the incessant cry for lower and lower taxes and smaller and smaller government. The high tax rate during the 1950s incentivized reinvestment in business to avoid taxes, and the positive effect it had on the economy allowed the choices possible to skyrocket for anyone with the gumption to make something of themselves.
Newt Gingrich advocates a metaphoric trampoline to replace our government's safety net for the unemployed. It's a great metaphor, but a bounce off the trampoline is meaningless without somewhere to land better than China's example of actual nets around their manufacturing facilities. Real freedom is possible only when failure is not catastrophic. Work that pays barely enough to scrape by is antithetical to democracy because democracy requires citizen involvement, and that requires a surplus of leisure time for people to devote to the process.              
Freedom without an ongoing investment in both hard and soft infrastructure is an illusion. Chinese workers who have to spend every waking hour working at slave wages just to get from one day to the next have something insightful to teach us about the existential nature of freedom. The significance of freedom is bound to resources and opportunity, and in every developed nation in the world where a high quality of life exists, this kind of investment is substantial and ongoing. In the majority of developed nations in the world, an enviable quality life is demonstrably attributable to an overt government effort to establish a baseline of opportunity above and beyond individual ownership and private enterprise, complete with the authority to meet the power of private enterprise with the power to regulate.
Vehicles don't run on fumes, and great societies don't exist without great investments in their infrastructures, from highways and bridges to institutions of higher learning able to offer tuition arrangements that don't make college students indentured servants to financial organizations. Rich and free societies are analogous to healthy gardens: When the soil is rich with nutrients, plants thrive, and adding fertilizer does not occur by happenstance—it is a purposeful effort.   
Now consider the resource-rich country of Qatar, located between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Qatar is not a democracy; it is a government administered by an emir, something we would equate with a dictatorship. But citizens of Qatar are free to pretty much do as they please. They have free medical care in state-of-the-art hospital facilities, free education, including college, and even free water and electricity. Moreover, whatever occupation they choose, they can be confident that they will be well paid. Now would these people be justified in referring to Qatar as the greatest country in the world? Are they really free? Are we? What's the difference that makes us freer in absolute terms?
In response our argument could be, "But of course the people in Qatar are not really free, because they can't vote and they are ruled by the rich," to which their citizens would likely say, "So, your point is?" We would say, "If the emir deemed you an enemy of the state, you could be thrown in prison without due process of law." Again they would likely say, "And your point is?"
George W. Bush has often been described as someone born on third base, who thought he'd hit a triple. You see, people who are able to act intrinsically, whether it is because of natural talent or because of their privileged family connections, have a strong tendency to believe themselves to be especially deserving individuals while the less privileged masses of people simply don't measure up. If you don't believe it, ask them. People who have easy access to the kind of resources that enable them to make intrinsic choices in life readily accept the notion that their access is due to the virtue that they are naturally possessed of and that escapes so many others. As humans, it is simply part of our nature to assume a stance of virtuous superiority, unless we understand human psychology well enough to know how our Stone Age minds default to our own benefit and sort the circumstances in our favor, regardless of factual reality.  
The underlying belief that freedom is something that exists only in the absence of collective effort is absolute nonsense. Like a bountiful garden, civilization requires a resolute investment in the kind of things that give rise to a middle and an upper class. Happenstance doesn't cut it. To stand before an audience of working people who can't afford the rising costs of health insurance and to speak wistfully about freedom as an argument against universal coverage in favor of the freedom to look out for yourself, as so many politicians do, is as despicable, as it is ridiculous. That so many people fall for the argument is deeply disappointing.
          Here are four examples for comparison:
·        The plight of Chinese factory workers 
·        The creation of America's middle class after World War II
·        The country of Qatar
·        America as it is today
The America of today has a crushing debt with a crumbling infrastructure and millions of poor people duped into clamoring about a lack of freedom because they may soon be required to purchase health insurance. The argument that Obamacare is an act of oppression is a cultural hallucination with tragic consequences for millions of Americans. Obamacare is a noble attempt to do what existentially insecure individuals seem to fear most: universal coverage.   
Of course, the citizens of Qatar would likely view the whole prospect of for-profit health insurance as a scam because they know, as any thinking person should, that profit will be a greater priority than medical treatment. And in the case of Americans who are supposed to purchase insurance under Obamacare but don't, what will happen? The Chinese would likely assume imprisonment, but, no, that's not true. What will happen is that their taxes will go up a little.
The irony in this bogus argument about freedom is that the co-pay in most private, for-profit health insurance policies will still ultimately break most people who become seriously ill, if they are not already rich. That the insurance companies and the bought-and-paid-for politicians who do their bidding have succeeded in making resistance to universal care a notion about freedom is sheer lunacy on one hand and political genius on the other. The notion of freedom as a choice to purchase that which is unaffordable and defective, is a Ponzi scheme of the imagination.
The bottom line is that any country that cannot generate enough goodwill to see that everyone has access to adequate medical care should be embarrassed to refer to itself as the greatest country on earth. We must get beyond the concept of freedom as a hot-button distraction before we can figure out what it really means to be free. Having a chance to buy something you can't afford, or having health insurance that still won't keep you from going broke even if you could afford it, is not an intrinsic expression of freedom. No, it's a horribly bad joke made possible by those who know how to use fear effectively for political purposes.
This is not rocket science. If not for our Stone Age minds, it would be considered common sense. Freedom existed in hunter- gather societies because choices were still possible, even when resources were scarce. In societies dependent upon commercial goods and services, freedom requires an enormous investment in the kinds of things that make extrinsic and intrinsic choices possible. Such conditions require much higher taxes that we are currently paying across the board.
Is there waste in government spending? You bet. But, even if most of it were dealt with, higher taxes are still needed to pay the debt for what we have already consumed and for the maintenance of our infrastructure that has to be constantly and consistently maintained. Over a thirty-plus year period, America has been looted from the top down, and the public still bites at wherever the stick points instead of at the hand that holds it. Do we need to guard against free riders and people who expect something for nothing? You bet, but it makes no sense that we excuse this kind of behavior in the rich and yet condemn the poor for doing the same thing.
Entire workforces that depend on the whims of markets turn on its head the old-fashioned notion of freedom that prevailed when most people lived off the land. A market based on goods and services is not as rich in resources as a farm or a piece of land. A farm can fall on hard times, but there is still the possibility of putting food on the table. A market can close on a dime. A garden without a rich investment of nutrients and a concentrated effort to sustain it becomes a bed of weeds while a country without resources becomes a slum.
To have a great country with a small government, where taxes are always low, where people thrive off each other's efforts without an aggressive investment in infrastructure is a utopian fantasy. Such a nation has never existed, except in the imaginations of ideologues who mistake their wants for reality despite a mountain of evidence to the contrary. Depending entirely on trickle down is a sleight-of-hand psychological trick that always promises but never pays off. At the same time, it constantly refuels itself with high-octane contempt because it evokes a fear ensconced in identity and one that results in a natural fear of the other. 
 Those who shout the loudest about freedom seem to know the least about what it really and truly means to be free. Franklin D. Roosevelt captured the essence of real liberty when he named the Four Freedoms: Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Worship, Freedom from Want, and Freedom from Fear. Educationally people have to understand the human condition well enough that ideologues can't use the fourth freedom as a substitute in bait- and-switch fashion to keep people so anxious that they don't realize that the third freedom applies only to those who are rich enough to rig the system.
Without a substantial investment in hard and soft infrastructure, Ronald Reagan's shining city on a hill is a mirage. Reagan suggested the nine words we should fear most are "I'm from the government and I'm here to help." Now, I don't doubt for a moment that Reagan believed those words, but judging from a practical standpoint how the reality of his contempt for government has played out, the words to fear most should have been "I'm an ideologue and I'm here to deceive you," because that is precisely what he did. He deceived himself. The utopian dream of an America without a substantial government investment in the creation and maintenance of a middle class is why our current politics are dominated by imbecilic notions of drowning the government in the bathtub.
We can dramatically reduce the size and power of government. We can get government down to the dimension that it can be metaphorically drowned in the bathtub, as Grover Norquist advocates, but one thing is certain: during wild market swings, American workers will have a lot more in common with their counterparts in China than with those in Qatar. The great tragedy of our time is that a few well-placed symbols, slogans, or thirty-second commercials can so thoroughly enrage people that they are unable to distinguish actual freedom from propaganda. Even in the twenty-first century, us versus them is still a magic potion for confusion, delusion, and if all else fails, hatred.
America is the tribe that isn't. Adolescent vitriol fostered by ideologues keeps us from generating enough good will to see that every American deserves a fair shot at a good life and medical treatment without winding up on the street or in one of China's safety nets.       


Charles D. Hayes KINDLE Books and EBooks on Amazon:

September University: Summoning Passion for an Unfinished Life
Existential Aspirations: Reflections of a Self-Taught Philosopher
The Rapture of Maturity: A Legacy of Lifelong Learning
Beyond the American Dream: Lifelong Learning and the Search for Meaning in
Proving You're Qualified: Strategies for Competent People Without College Degrees
Training Yourself: The 21st Century Credential
Self-University: The Price of Tuition is the Desire to Learn. Your Degree is a Better Life
Portals in a Northern Sky: A Novel
A Novella
Pansy: Bovine Genius in Wild Alaska
Alaska Short Fiction Series for Kindle
Moose Hunter Homicide
KINDLE Essays on Amazon:
Aging Existentially: Getting the Most Out of the Fall and Winter of Life
America’s Greatest Enemy: Ignorance
Atlas Begs To Differ: Why It’s a Mistake to Believe in Ayn Rand
Class Warfare: Is It Real? Is It Over? Or Has It Just Begun?
Heroism, Cowardice, and the National Tragedy of Hidden Guilt
Learning A Living: Career Success Without Formal Credentials
Nostalgia: Why the Past Matters
Pursuing Justice: Foxes, Hedgehogs, and the Baby-Boom Legacy
Why Political Dialog Is Disingenuous
NOOK Books and Essays on Barnes & Noble
Portals in a Northern Sky: A Novel
Aging Existentially: Getting the Most Out of the Fall and Winter of Life
America’s Greatest Enemy: Ignorance
Atlas Begs To Differ: Why It’s a Mistake to Believe in Ayn Rand
Class Warfare: Is It Real? Is It Over? Or Has It Just Begun?
Heroism, Cowardice, and the National Tragedy of Hidden Guilt
Learning A Living: Career Success Without Formal Credentials
Nostalgia: Why the Past Matters
Pursuing Justice: Foxes, Hedgehogs, and the Baby-Boom Legacy
Why Political Dialog Is Disingenuous
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September University.org Website

Blog Sites
Self-University Blog
September University Blog